Cuba\'s future: Democratic reforms key to real change

[Jimmy2]

By José Azel

For over half a century, the history of Cuba has been the history of the Castro brothers and their ideas. As this era comes to an end a new battle of ideas for the future of Cuba is taking place. The combatants are Cubans in exile and in Cuba, the American public, and the international community.

The first order of battle is Cuba's transition from totalitarianism and a centrally-planned economy to a different polity and economic system. But unlike classical warfare, the combatants are not aligned by nationality, geography, or ideology. The main ideological campaign is over transitional tactics.

The overall strategic objective of a free, democratic, and market-oriented Cuba is seldom questioned. However, for some, the appropriate tactics are anchored on policies of engagement with Cuba's nomenklatura that they believe will lead to evolutionary changes. For others, profound changes in personnel and policy are prerequisite conditions for a genuine transition.

The engagement approach reflects an instinctive preference for conversation over confrontation. Moreover, as it is often argued, 50 years of confrontational U. S. policies have failed to bring about changes in Cuba's government and a new approach is required. If we do business with China and Vietnam, "Why not with Cuba?" is a popular retort.

However, as satisfying as this approach may be, it is flawed.

First, it is based on an unfounded belief that engagement in general and economic engagement, in particular, will lead ultimately to democratic changes. But, this is an unsubstantiated belief.

The often cited cases of China and Vietnam, in fact, make the opposite case. After decades of engagement and significant economic reforms, these countries have failed to advance a political agenda in the direction of democracy. Independent rankings by international organizations show that, in terms of political rights and civil liberties, China and Vietnam still rank today at the bottom of the scale.

An additional flaw derives from a failure to appreciate the indispensable role of freedom and its democratic institutions. Democracy is viewed as a good that can be postponed until a later date in a reform process. The unspoken premise is that it is more important to improve the economic well being of a society than to secure its freedoms. But this represents a false choice. Postponing democratic reforms belittles the innumerable practical ways in which freedoms make possible our pursuit of happiness.

Democratic experience has shown that democracy is much more than a constitutional form of government. Political rights and civil liberties are not superfluous luxuries.

Cuba's nomenklatura does not believe that there is an inherent human right to political liberty and self-government. Raúl Castro and his inner circle are not closet democrats waiting for an opportune moment to express their Jeffersonian ideals. Their governing modality is inseparable from Cuba's current state of affairs. Democratic nations require a relationship model between the state and its citizens.

Perhaps new tactics for change in Cuba are needed, but their centerpiece should be the establishment of a democratic society in which individuals are free to pursue the spiritual and physical goods that enrich human life.